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If we ask what are the domains through which humans achieve deep satisfactions in life — achieve happiness — the answer is there are just four: family, vocation, community and faith. In each of those domains, responsibility for the desired outcome is inseparable from the satisfaction.

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The deep satisfactions that go with raising children arise from having fulfilled your responsibility for just about the most important thing that humans do. In the workplace the deep satisfaction that can come from a job promotion are inextricably bound up with the sense of having done things that merited it. There is no way for clever planners to avoid it. Once that imperative has been met then an elaborate web of expectations, rewards and punishments evolves over time.

Together that web leads to norms of good behaviour that support families and communities in performing their functions. When the government says it will take some of the trouble out of doing the things that families and communities evolved to do, it inevitably takes some of the action away from families and communities. The web frays and eventually disintegrates. The first two-thirds of the 20th century saw spectacular progress in reducing the problems of poverty.

But when families become dysfunctional, or cease to form altogether, growing numbers of children suffer in ways that have little to do with lack of money. The neighbourhood becomes a sterile place to live at best and, at worst, becomes the Hobbesian all-against-all free-fire zone we have seen in some of our big cities. These costs — enfeebling family, vocation, community and faith — are not exacted on the people of the SuperZips.

Mike Tanner Articles about Politics

The things the government does to take the trouble out of things seldom intersect with the life of a successful lawyer or executive. Rather, they intersect with life at the other end of the spectrum. A man who is holding down a menial job and thereby supporting a wife and children is doing something authentically important with his life.

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He should take deep satisfaction from that and be praised by his community for doing so. If that same man lives under a system that says the children of the woman he sleeps with will be taken care of whether or not he contributes, then that status goes away. I am delighted when I get a chance to go to Stockholm or Paris. They are great places to visit. But the view of life that has taken root in those same countries is problematic. It seems to go something like this: the purpose of life is to while away the time between birth and death as pleasantly as possible and the purpose of government is to make it as easy as possible to while away the time as pleasantly as possible — the Europe Syndrome.

The idea of work as a means of self-actualisation has faded. The view of work as a necessary evil, interfering with the higher good of leisure, dominates. To have to go out to look for a job or to have to risk being fired from a job are seen as terrible impositions. The precipitous decline of marriage, far greater in Europe than in the United States, is another symptom. What is the point of a lifetime commitment when the state will act as surrogate spouse when it comes to paying the bills? The decline of fertility to far below replacement is another symptom.

The secularisation of Europe is yet another symptom. Europeans have broadly come to believe that humans are a collection of activated chemicals that, after a period of time, deactivate. Indeed, taking any other position is ultimately irrational. The alternative to the Europe Syndrome is to say your life can have transcendent meaning if it is spent doing important things — raising a family, supporting yourself, being a good friend and a good neighbour, learning what you can do well and then doing it as well as you possibly can.

Providing the best possible framework for doing those things is what the American project is all about. The reasons we face the prospect of losing that heritage are many but none is more important than the twin realities that I have tried to describe. On one side of the spectrum a significant and growing portion of the American population is losing the virtues required to be functioning members of a free society. On the other side of the spectrum the people who run the country are doing just fine.

Their framework for pursuing happiness is relatively unaffected by the forces that are enfeebling family, community, vocation, and faith elsewhere in the society. In fact, they have become so isolated they are often oblivious to the nature of the problems that exist elsewhere. In the absence of some outside intervention the new lower class will continue to grow.

Advocacy for that outside intervention can come from many levels of society — that much is still true in America — but eventually it must gain the support of the new upper class if it is to be ratified.

Too much power is held by the new upper class to expect otherwise. What are the prospects of that happening? The new upper class: genius geeks, no common sense necessary In the early s Bill Gates was asked what competitor worried him the most. Microsoft must win the IQ war or we won't have a future," he said. The reasons why it happened are not mysterious. First, the higher-tech the economy, the more it relies on people who can improve and exploit the technology, which creates many openings for people whose main asset is their exceptional cognitive ability.

What was someone with exceptional mathematical ability worth on the job market years ago if he had no interpersonal skills or common sense?

Not much. The private sector had only a few jobs that might make him worth hiring. His options were not much wider in What is a person with the same skill set worth today? If he is a wizard programmer, as people with exceptional mathematical ability tend to be, he is worth six figures to Microsoft or Google.

If he is a fine pure mathematician, some quant funds can realistically offer him the prospect of great wealth. Second, the more complex business decisions become, the more businesses rely on people who can navigate labyrinths that may or may not call upon common sense but certainly require advanced cognitive ability. If a lawyer can work out the multidimensional issues that enable the merger of two large corporations, he may be worth a commission of millions of dollars.

The same happened in the financial industry as technology has made possible new and complex — but also fabulously profitable — financial instruments. Third, the bigger the stakes the greater the value of marginal increments in skills. Given that backdrop it is no surprise that the people working in managerial occupations and the professions made a lot more money in than they had made in and their growing wealth enabled the most successful of them, the members of the new upper class, to isolate themselves from the rest of America in ways they formerly couldn't afford to do.

A few weeks before the election, Democratic strategists were running out of ideas for how to help Al Franken. The job of pollsters in these situations is to figure out who the undecided actually are and what could make them move.

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Often, they focus on demographics playing to older suburban women or issues talk of school reform. But one pollster working for the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee, Mark Mellman, felt it might pay to look for more primal distinctions. Mellman added to his Minnesota polls a battery of questions inspired by research in psychology and neuroscience, borrowed from personality tests and designed to separate those with more rational processing systems from those who relied on emotion in their decision-making.

Highly stylized television spots, like a movie spoof that showed Coleman as a fugitive fleeing George W. There, over the last decade or so, scientists have been extending to politics the imperious insights of neuroscience and evolutionary psychology that have so shaken other social sciences. Much of what passes for the daily scrum of electoral politics, he says, is merely an effort to find language that can help citizens justify these instincts. But the comforting metaphor of a grand national debate to determine where the swing voters will end up has never seemed so out of sync with trending science.

After all, what is the point of everything that happens between now and November 6 if our wiring dictates how we vote?

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Some had become convinced that people attached themselves to an ideology merely to assert their sophistication, picking a side to show they were capable of articulating a coherent worldview—that, as Haidt suggests, partisanship was merely an intellectual superstructure. But Jost believed there was something deeper to political identity, something that might explain why there has been so much continuity, and so little shape-shifting, in the politics of the modern West.

Ever since French parliamentarians decided their seating arrangements in the eighteenth century, the two-way split between left concerned with inequality and eager for social change and right guardians of tradition and satisfied with an uneven spread of resources has remained remarkably constant across time and place.

Why in the American system were the people who opposed the death penalty almost always the ones who believed that rich people should pay more in taxes?